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    Title: 華語幼兒變調習得
    Tone Sandhi in Mandarin Acquisition
    Authors: 程彥棻
    Contributors: 萬依萍
    Wan, I Ping
    程彥棻
    Keywords: 兒童語言發展
    變調習得
    三聲變調
    替換模式
    台灣華語
    language acquisition
    tone acquisition
    tone sandhi
    substitution pattern
    Taiwan Mandarin
    Date: 2015
    Issue Date: 2015-08-03 13:11:53 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 本篇論文探討台灣一歲半至三歲幼兒習得華語變調的歷程。分別以長期觀察以及實驗的方式,針對華語變調中的「不」字變調、「一」字變調以及三聲變調,探討幼兒習得此三種變調的時間、正確率與錯誤出現時的錯誤取代模式。其中,長期觀察以兩位幼兒為對象,年齡分別達二十七個月以及二十三個月,收錄其與大人之自然對話;另外,實驗對象則為年齡介於一歲半至三歲的十二位幼兒。
    結果顯示,「不」字變調為最早習得的變調,而「一」字變調及三聲變調較晚習得。三歲後幼兒三種變調皆可達百分之百正確,已完整習得三種變調,且不會有任何錯誤的發生。幼兒三種變調的錯誤取代則發現有不同的傾向,「不」字變調以[55]取代應變聲調最多、「一」字變調同樣多以[55]取代應變聲調,三聲變調則以原聲調取代應變聲調最多。以上三項變調的錯誤取代發現,幼兒錯誤聲調的取代具有系統性,及不同的傾向。從結果可以看出,[55]以及應變調的原聲調兩者於幼兒錯誤取代都扮演強勢角色,以此兩種為主要的錯誤取代聲調。
    There are four lexical tones and several tone sandhi in Mandarin Chinese. Researchers have been highly interested in how Mandarin-speaking children acquire tonal system; however, compared to the acquisition of four lexical tones, development of tone sandhi are relatively less studied. The aim of this thesis was to investigate the process of acquisition of three different tone sandhi by children aged from 1;6 to 3;0 in Taiwan with longitudinal observation and experiments.
    Two children were included in longitudinal observation; they were recorded until 27 months old and 23 months old. For the experiments, twelve children were recruited. The videos and sounds were analyzed by PRAAT.
    Results of this study showed that “pu51” sandhi was acquired earlier than the other two sandhis, “i55” and third tone sandhi. It was also indicated that children acquired the above tone sandhis after 3;0. Furthermore, regarding substitution patterns, they were generally systematic, yet there showed different tendencies individually: in “pu51” sandhi and “i55” sandhi, tone [55] was often used to substitute for the target tone, and in third tone sandhi, the underlying tone was highly used to replace the target tone, which should have turned into tone [35] in the first syllable. As a result, it was revealed that tone [55] and the original tone in the first syllable of tone sandhi played an important role in substitution patterns.
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    Description: 碩士
    國立政治大學
    語言學研究所
    101555012
    Source URI: http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G1015550122
    Data Type: thesis
    Appears in Collections:[Graduate Institute of Linguistics] Theses

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