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    Title: 檢視中國-印度關係: 從信心建立措施的角度
    Other Titles: Looking to a Confidence Future: Examing Sino-India Relations as a Confidence Building Measure
    Authors: 那瑞維
    Contributors: 國際關係研究中心
    Date: 2012
    Issue Date: 2016-04-14 17:07:38 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 本計畫假設自1988 年至今複雜且具有無限可能性的中國與印度雙邊關係為一政在 進行的信心建立措施。以信心建立信心措施的方法來檢視中印關係為此多層次的雙邊 關係帶來新的理解。如果這些信心建立措施是第一代的,那麼也僅能要求其目標是最 小化的。但如果目標是避免兩個鄰國之間的大災難,則最小的目標可超越信心建立措 施的大框架及更雄偉的目標。信心建立措施提供了一套有彈性的方法,建立對任何機 構都很重要的信心、有好關係與和平。信心建立措施的首要任務是排除現制確保溝通 管道的流暢。對於日漸多元的中印關係來說,加強信心建立措施為一邏輯的選項。 本文的論點有三。首先,整個中印關係可以視為一個促進兩國解決邊境爭議的進行 中的信心建立措施。第二,兩國對於邊界問題所簽署的多項協議均為兩國政治菁英在 達成邊界協議上加強信心。最後,兩國在過去二十年所簽屬的協議已避免衝突,但還 不足以消除兩國對於邊界問題上的認知差距。 能夠將中印兩國關係視為一個信心建立措施是因為在過去的二十五年,兩國都扮演 演負責任的國際安全體系成員不讓衝突發生。這種維持現狀,即使在解決邊界問題的 多邊與雙邊機構幾乎都不存在的情況下,還是得以維持。且在過去的六十年交往歷史 中,兩國舊的議題難解又有新的議題浮出的情況下,兩國還有可用政策選項來正確的 管理雙邊關係。 以信心建立措施的角度來檢視中印關係可為全面的中國與台灣的關係帶來線索。從 單純的戰略角度來看,中印為邊界的真正控制線所採取的行動,都與未來兩岸在解決 台灣海峽問題必須成立軍事信心建立措施相關。
    This research study envisages the Sino‐Indian bilateral relationship with its vast complexities and immense possibilities as a confidence building mechanism (CBM) in progress since 1988 to the present. Studying Sino‐Indian relations through the matrix of CBMs introduces fresh insights into a multi‐layered bilateral relationship. If these CBMs are to be considered as ‘first generation’ then their objective is as a consequence ‘minimalist.’ Yet if that objective is to prevent a conflagration between the two neighbors then the ‘minimalist’ triumphs over the ‘majestic’ ideal constructs and aims of other CBMs. CBMs provide a flexible approach to building trust, amity and peace – key elements to any institutional construction. As an opening gambit, CBMs ensure that channels of communication are open and not restricted. For China and India as the diversity of their relations increases, the CBM quotient expands as a logical corollary. There are three main arguments driving this research. First, Sino‐Indian relations are in their entirety an ongoing CBM designed to facilitate an eventual solution to the boundary dispute. Second, agreements signed on the boundary dispute are part of a methodology that invokes confidence and custom amongst the respective political elite on an eventual compact on the boundary dispute and third, the various agreements between the two countries since the past two decades have prevented conflict from taking place but have not eliminated differing perceptions on the boundary and the dispute on either side. Locating the Sino‐Indian bilateral relationship as a CBM is owing to the fact that as responsible members of the global security systemic, the two countries have not precipitated any security crisis for more than two and a half decades. This status quo prevails despite a paucity of institutional structures and bilateral mechanisms addressing the Sino‐Indian boundary dispute. In the six decades of bilateral engagement, while disagreements exist and newer concerns have emerged, the two countries have a range of policy choices at their disposal to handle and correctly manage their bilateral relationship. A research proposal examining the CBM quotient in Sino‐Indian relations it is expected will generate theoretical cues that will have salience vis‐à‐vis Taiwan’s ongoing process of comprehensive engagement with mainland China. From a purely strategic point of view, the nascent steps that China and India are exploring as regards ensuring the continuity of military CBMs along the LAC are an issue that Taiwan can relate to since any eventual reconciliation on both sides of the Straits will have to include military to military CBMs.
    Relation: 計畫編號 NSC101-2410-H004-137
    Data Type: report
    Appears in Collections:[國際關係研究中心] 國科會研究計畫

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