| Reference: | 中文參考資料
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王子昌，2011，《東協外交共同體主體及表現》，北京：時事出版社。
台灣東南亞國家協會研究中心，2011a，《2009－2015年東協共同體路徑圖》中
譯本，台北：財團法人中華經濟研究院台灣東南亞國家協會研究中心。
台灣東南亞國家協會研究中心，2011b，《東協憲章》中英對照本，台北：財團
法人中華經濟研究院台灣東南亞國家協會研究中心。
丘宏達，2008，《現代國際法 修訂二版》，台北：三民。
包宗和主編，2011，《國際關係理論》，台北：五南。
宋鎮照、林若雩、洪敬富、張心怡、陳佩修、楊昊、詹環華、趙文志、戴萬平合
著，2010，《中國與東協的新政治經濟—建構主義的觀點》，台北，五南。
尚榮安譯，Yin Robert K. 著作，2001。《個案研究法》，第二版，台北市：弘智。
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陳欣之，1999，《東南亞安全》，台北：生智文化事業有限公司。
陳鴻瑜，1997，《東南亞國家協會之發展》，埔里：國立暨南國際大學東南亞研
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俞寬賜，2002，《國際法新論》，台北：啟英。
秦亞青主編，2006，《文化與國際社會：建構主義國際關係理論研究》，北京：
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秦亞青譯，Alexander Wendt著，2008，《國際政治的社會理論》，上海：上海人民出版社。
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鍾倫納，1993，《應用社會科學研究法》，台灣：台灣商務。
二、期刊報告
王順文，2003，〈東協區域論壇的再檢視－安全社群？權力政治？〉，《國政研
究報告》，財團法人國家政策研究基金會。
卡贊斯坦，2000，〈區域主義與亞洲〉，《世界經濟與政治》，第10期，頁75-80。
李文志、蕭文軒，2005，〈大湄公河流域爭霸戰：大湄公河經濟合作的推展及其
戰略意涵〉，《台灣東南亞學刊》，第2卷，第1期，頁97-148。
李隆生，2006，〈以東協為軸心的東亞經濟整合〉，《亞太研究論壇》，第33
期，頁101-124。
李隆生，2006，〈以東協為軸心的東亞經濟整合：從區域主義到全球化？〉，《亞
太研究論壇》，第33期，中央研究院亞太區域研究專題中心，頁101-124。
李瓊莉，2010，〈東協區域衝突管理機制與角色探討〉，《台灣東南亞學刊》，
第7卷，第2期，頁3-20 。
李瓊莉，2012，〈東協對南海情勢的回應與影響〉，《東海及南海爭端與和平展
望》，財團法人遠景基金會，頁115-130。
宋燕輝，2003，〈南海地區安全戰略情勢之發展與現況〉，《亞太研究論壇》，
第19期，頁12-21。
宋學文、楊昊，2006，〈整合理論研究之趨勢與應用：東南亞區域安全的分析〉，
《政治科學論叢》，第28期，頁39-90。
林文謙，2011，〈經濟發展與環境永續：東南亞霾害治理之困境與展望〉，《亞
太研究通訊》，第9期，頁59-86。
林正義，2003，〈十年來南海島嶼聲索國實際作法〉，《亞太研究論壇》，第19
期，頁1-11。
林正義，2012，〈中國大陸的南海政策〉，《東海及南海爭端與和平展望》，財
團法人遠景基金會，頁91-113。
金榮勇，1997，〈緬甸軍人政府的未來發展－加入東協後之期望〉，《問題與研
究》，第36卷，第3期，頁81-90。
金榮勇，1999，〈東亞金融風暴對東協組織的影響〉，《問題與研究》，第38
卷，第2期，頁55-68。
莫大華，1997，〈緬甸軍政府之對外關係〉，《問題與研究》，第 36 卷，第 10
期，頁69-84。
孫國祥，2011，〈東亞高峰會聚焦南海爭議討論之意涵〉，《戰略安全研析》，
第80期，頁5-12。
喻常森、方倩華，2005，〈東協“和平、自由和中立區”戰略構想探討〉，《南
洋問題研究》，第2期，頁29-35。
郭俊麟，2008，〈東南亞區域整合經驗－「東協模式」的實踐與檢討〉，《台灣
國際研究季刊》第4卷，第1期，頁99-126。
楊昊，2005，〈「安全治理」的理論與實踐：以東南亞國協安全治理模式的建構
與演化為例〉，《台灣政治學刊》，第9卷，第2期，頁153-231。
楊昊，2006，〈微型區域主義在東南亞跨域霾害治理上的挑戰與調適〉，《遠景
基金會季刊》，第7卷，第3期，頁139-186。
楊昊，2008a，〈從避戰到趨合：東協安全共同體的建構理路〉，《亞太研究論
壇》，第42期，頁120-152。
楊昊，2008b，〈新憲章規範下的東協區域主義：回顧與展望〉，《台灣東南亞
學刊》，第5卷，第1期：頁147-179。
楊昊，2010，〈同舟如何共濟？東協區域災難合作的集體行動邏輯〉，《台灣東
南亞學刊》，第7卷，第42期，頁21-62。
楊昊，2011，〈東協峇里宣言三部曲：邁向集體外交的全球新戰略〉，《戰略安
全研析》，第80期，頁29-36。
楊昊，2012a，〈東協主要南海主權聲索國的經略政策〉，《東海及南海爭端與
和平展望》，財團法人遠景基金會，頁131-147。
楊昊，2012b，〈弱勢領導權對東協核心地位的影響〉，《戰略安全研析》，第
86期，頁36-44。
楊昊，2012c，〈沒有共識的共同體？第45屆東協外長會議研析〉，《戰略安全
研析》，第87期，頁24-30。
楊昊，2012d，〈行禮如儀的樣板政治？第21屆東協高峰會議研析〉，《戰略安
全研析》，第92期，頁5-12。
詹哲裕、韓台武，2005，〈東協組織運作機制及其所面臨的挑戰〉，《復興崗學
報》，第84期，頁191-208。
趙國材，1997，〈論永久中立國與聯合國〉，宋燕輝、焦興鎧主編，《聯合國與
歐美國家論文集》，頁55-128。
鄭端耀、秦亞青、袁易與石之瑜譯，Alexander Wendt著，2001，〈國際政治中的三種無政府文化〉，《美歐季刊》，第15卷，第2期，頁153-198。
鄭端耀，2001，〈國際關係「社會建構主義理論」 評析〉，《美歐季刊》，第
15卷，第2期，頁199-229。
蕭琇安，2008，〈轉變國際秩序下「中立」概念之地位〉，《問題與研究》， 第
47卷，第1期，頁29-54。
蘇秀法，1994，〈從芬蘭加入歐體看中立國的義務〉《問題與研究》，第33卷，
第3期，頁71-80。
三、碩博士論文、研討會論文
沈時芃，2010，《從東協憲章看東南亞的區域治理》，國立政治大學外交學系碩
士論文。
宋國強，2007，《東協區域論壇對亞太安全之影響－國際建制之觀點》，國立政
治大學外交學系碩士論文。
陳希傑，2009，《從國際法觀點分析南海主權爭端與中華民國的南海政策》，國
立政治大學外交學系碩士論文。
孫國祥，2012，〈區域反恐條約對東協的啟示：制度化反恐的建立〉，第二屆《恐
怖主義與國家安全學術研討暨實務座談會論文集》，頁94-117。
蔡明螢，2004，《瑞士中立外交政策轉變之研究：以瑞士加入聯合國為例》，南
華大學歐洲研究所碩士論文。
蔡明彥，2004，〈近期亞洲地區恐怖主義活動及對區域情勢影響之探討〉，中央
警察大學恐佈主義研究中心研討會文章。
四、網路資料
〈1953年，周恩來提出和平共處五原則〉，2009，人民網：
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〈中國對南海行為準則磋商有主見，不屈從外部壓力〉，2013，人民網
〈http://big5.china.com/gate/big5/military.china.com/news/568/20130916/18049264.html〉（檢索日期：2014/3/12）
〈中國與東盟首次磋商南海行為準則〉，2013，文匯網：
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〈中華人民共和國領海及毗連區法〉，1992，中華人民共和國外交部網站： 〈http://www.fmcoprc.gov.hk/chn/tyyflsw/jbflwj/qgxfl/t54835.htm〉 （檢索日期：2014/1/7）
白樂崎，2013，〈廣大興事件，台灣須冷靜〉，《自由時報 電子報》，2013/6/4。
網址：〈http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2013/new/jun/4/today-int6.htm〉（檢索日期：2013/11/22）
〈近期南海問題的發展：從南海各方行為宣言到行為準則〉，2014，南海研究網
站：
〈http://southchinaseastudies.org/cn/conferences-and-seminars-/701-2011-11-03-03-07-05〉（檢索日期：2014/3/17）
〈東協加一〉，2014，台灣東南亞國家協會研究中心網站：
〈http://www.aseancenter.org.tw/ASEAN1.aspx〉（檢索日期：2014/2/6）
林輝，2012，〈中國輸出紅色革命害死了多少人？〉，《大紀元》，2013/8/14。網址：
〈http://www.epochtimes.com/b5/12/12/13/n3751498.htm〉 （檢索日期：2013/11/22）
〈美國－中華人民共和國聯合公報〉（上海公報），1972，美國在台協會網站：
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劉中民，2008〈冷戰後東南亞國家南海政策的發展動向與中國的對策思考 〉，
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〈http://www.aisixiang.com/data/23823.html〉（檢索日期：2014/1/10）
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