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| Title: | 蘇聯到俄羅斯民族政策之轉變
The Transformation of Nationality Policies from the Soviet Union to Russia |
| Authors: | 葉東磬
Yeh, Tung-Ching |
| Contributors: | 連弘宜
Lien, Hung-I
葉東磬
Yeh, Tung-Ching |
| Keywords: | 民族聯邦制
不對稱聯邦制
權力垂直
中央集權
語言政策
非領土文化自治
Ethnofederalism
Asymmetric federalism
Power vertical
Centralization
Language policy
Non territorial cultural autonomy |
| Date: | 2025 |
| Issue Date: | 2025-09-01 17:03:21 (UTC+8) |
| Abstract: | 本論文以「理念—制度—實踐」為主軸，長時段比較蘇聯與俄羅斯的民族政策，剖析多民族國家在「統一—多元」間的治理邏輯與風險。蘇聯在列寧時期以「政治集中、文化多元」與本土化扶植少數語言與菁英，按族群劃設共和國與自治單位，短期換得穩定；然名義自治與黨國集權並存，戰後俄語與俄族優位上升、史達林大清洗與整族流放加劇矛盾，民族被制度化為「準國家」，一旦中心鬆動即沿既定邊界動員。戈巴契夫改革使沉積的民族主義爆發，加上憲法退盟權提供法源，終致蘇聯解體。俄羅斯承繼多民族聯邦後，葉爾欽以《聯邦條約》與四十餘份雙邊協議推不對稱分權，韃靼斯坦透過「條約化自治」爭取資源與雙語地位，車臣拒絕妥協引發戰爭；法律體系碎片化、地方坐大，中央法令難以落地。
普京上台後再集中：設聯邦區與全權代表、改革聯邦委員會、取消州長直選、清理違憲地方法規，並終止特別權力條約（2017年韃靼協議失效為標誌），重建「權力垂直」。身分與語言政策上，以「全俄公民民族」與愛國教育、戰爭記憶與東正教敘事整合認同，同時確立俄語的一元地位（如要求官方語言以西里爾書寫、將共和國語由必修改自願），呈現「文化多元的非政治化」與「軟同化」。北高加索採「高壓＋懷柔」的卡德羅夫模式以換取效忠與穩定。綜合之，俄羅斯由九〇年代「協商式聯邦」轉為二十一世紀的集權型聯邦，分離主義烈度大幅下降，國家統一與治理能力回升；代價則是地方與少數民族政治空間收縮、語言文化權益受壓，整合更多依賴行政控制與象徵動員。本文提出「語言政策—文化自治—身份建構—安全治理」的四維框架，指出有效路徑在於以憲政法治確立不可分割的主權與對稱權責，同時以非領土的文化自治與資助維繫多樣，避免過度制度化族界。
結論認為，蘇聯之敗與俄國之穩均證成：國族認同建構是多民族國家的關鍵變數；俄羅斯雖降低解體風險，但更像「被管理的穩定」，深層張力未解，未來仍需在統一與多元間持續校準，並供各國決策借鏡與制度設計。
This dissertation explains the transformation of nationality policies from the Soviet Union to the Russian Federation through a triad of ideas–institutions–practices and a four dimensional framework—language policy, cultural autonomy, identity building, and security governance—to show how multiethnic states balance unity and diversity. It argues that Soviet ethnofederalism combined nominal self determination and exit rights with party–state centralism; when perestroika loosened coercion, nationalism mobilized along institutionalized borders and hastened dissolution.
Post 1991 Russia first relied on asymmetric bargains—the 1992 Federation Treaty and 40 plus bilateral agreements—illustrated by Tatarstan’s treaty based autonomy versus Chechnya’s war and temporary de facto separation. Asymmetry blunted secession cascades but fragmented the legal order and empowered regional vetoes. From 2000, Putinrecentralized: federal districts and envoys, a reworked Federation Council, curtailed (later filtered) gubernatorial elections, legal harmonization, and retirement of “treaty federalism” (capped by Tatarstan’s 2017 expiry). Secession’s salience fell as state capacity rose, at the cost of local democracy and minority language space.
Language and identity were pivotal: Cyrillic standardization and 2017–2018 reforms made many republic languages elective, consolidating Russian as lingua franca; identity shifted toward an all Russian civic nation (rossiiskaia natsiia). In the North Caucasus, a coercion plus cooptation template (Kadyrov) delivered managed stability.
Mechanistically, jointly deploying the four levers can mute centrifugal mobilization but compress pluralism and invite selective legality. Normatively, symmetric constitutionalism plus non territorial cultural autonomy is more durable than ad hoc treaty federalism; Russia’s stability remains contingent, yet the framework travels to other multiethnic states facing the twin imperatives of unity and diversity. |
| Reference: | 一、 中文文獻（依姓氏筆畫順序）
(一) 專書
張祥雲。《興衰之路：民族問題視域下的蘇聯民族國家建設研究》。北京：人民出版社，2011。
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(二) 書內篇章
左鳳榮、劉顯忠。〈分崩離析：民族問題的總爆發與蘇聯解體〉。載沈志華主編，《一個大國的崛起與崩潰：蘇聯歷史專題研究（1917–1991）》。北京：社會科學文獻出版社，2017。
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(ㄧ) 專書
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| Description: | 碩士
國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
111981007 |
| Source URI: | http://thesis.lib.nccu.edu.tw/record/#G0111981007 |
| Data Type: | thesis |
| Appears in Collections: | [國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班] 學位論文
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