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    政大機構典藏 > 文學院 > 中國文學系 > 期刊論文 >  Item 140.119/157327
    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/157327


    Title: 論現代湘語精、知、章、莊系聲母的存古與創新—兼評吳湘一體說
    On the Retention and Innovation of Initial Consonants Jing, Zhi, Zhang and Zhuang in Modern Xiang Language-Also Commenting on the Wu-Xiang Dialectal Continuum
    Authors: 吳瑞文
    Wu, Rui-Wen
    Contributors: 中文系
    Keywords: 現代湘語;中古音;存古;創新;歷史語言學
    modern Xiang dialect;Middle Chinese;retention;innovation;historical linguistics
    Date: 2024-10
    Issue Date: 2025-06-13 09:16:09 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 本文根據中古《切韻》提供的音韻架構,探討現代湘語中精、知、莊、章四系聲母具體的讀音表現,進而說明早期湘語在音韻架構上的存古與創新。探討中古精、知、莊、章四系聲母的存古與創新,觀察的重點在於四系聲母具有最小對比的韻類—三等韻。本文採取的是歷史語言學的比較方法,同時以中古音系為參照架構,以14種現代湘語為對象,探討精、知、莊、章系聲母的分合情況。由現代湘語的比較來看,早期精、知、章、莊四系聲母在原始湘語中已經演變為三類:精系、莊系和章知系,其中精系可擬測為*ts-、莊系可擬測為*tʂ-,中古原有的章系和知系合併為一類,可擬測為*tɕ-。也就是說,原始湘語的聲母格局是:「精≠莊≠章=知」。章系和知系合流,從中古音的角度來看是一項音韻創新。知系與章系合流後今讀音仍舊是tɕ-,並可以證成既有的中古音擬測,這是音值上相當重要的存古。橋本萬太郎曾根據全清、次清和全濁三向對立的聲母表現,指出:現代吳語和湘語曾經明顯地構成同一個方言地區。這也就是吳湘一體說。從歷史語言學的觀點來看,保留中古全濁聲母為獨立的一類性質上屬於存古特徵,以此將現代吳湘兩語歸為一類不無問題。相對地,從中古精、知、章、莊四系聲母的分合來看,湘語屬於「精≠莊≠章=知」的類型,吳語屬於「精≠知≠章=莊」的類型。值得留意的是湘語章系與知系合流,吳語則章系與莊系合流,合併方式不同,但都屬於音韻創新。本文的觀察對吳湘一體這個假說形成重大的挑戰。
    Based on the phonological system provided by Middle Chinese rhyme book "Qie Yun", this article explores the pronunciation performance of the four initial consonants of Jing, Zhi, Zhang, and Zhuang in modern Xiang dialect and then explains the retention and innovation of early Xiang language. This article also discusses the retention and innovation of the four series of initial consonants of Jing, Zhi, Zhuang, and Zhang in the Middle Ages. The focus of observation is the rhyme category with the minimal set among the four series of initial consonants-the third-division rhyme. This article adopts a comparative method of historical linguistics, takes Middle Chinese phonology system as a reference frame, and takes 14 modern Xiang languages as objects to explore the separation and merger of initial consonants of the Jing, Zhi, Zhuang, and Zhang initials. From the comparison of modern Xiang dialect, the early four-series initials of Jing, Zhi, Zhuang, and Zhang have evolved into three categories in proto Xiang language stage: Jing series, Zhuang series, and Zhang-zhi series, among which the Jing series can be reconstructed as *ts -, the Zhuang series can be reconstructed as *tʂ-, and the original Zhang series and Zhi series in the Middle Ages merged into one category, and can be reconstructed as *tɕ-. In other words, the initial consonant pattern of the original Xiang dialect is: [Jin ≠ Zhuang ≠ Zhang = Zhi]. The merging of Zhang and Zhi is a phonological innovation from the perspective of Middle Chinese. After the merger of the Zhi and the Zhang, the pronunciation is still tɕ-, and it can be proved as an existing evidence of Middle Chinese phonological reconstruction. In other words, this is a very important preservation in terms of phonetic value. Mantaro Hashimoto pointed out based on the three-way opposition of initial consonants of quán qīng(全清) , cìqīng(次清) and quánzhuó(全濁) that modern Wu and Xiang languages once clearly formed the same dialectal area. This is the theory that Wu-Xiang dialectal continuum. From the perspective of historical linguistics, retaining the medieval fully voiced initial consonants as an independent category is an archaic feature. Therefore, it is not without problems to classify the modern Wu and Xiang languages into the same group with this criterion. In contrast, from the division and merger of the initial consonants of the four series of Jing, Zhi, Zhang, and Zhuang in middle times, Xiang language belongs to the type of [Jing ≠ Zhuang ≠ Zhang = Zhi], and Wu language belongs to the type of [Jing ≠ Zhi ≠ Zhang = Zhuang]. It is worth noting that the Zhang series merges with the Zhi series in Xiang language, and the Zhang series merges with the Zhuang series in Wu language. It shows that Wu and Xiang underwent different phonological innovations separately. The conclusion poses a major challenge to the hypothesis about Wu-Xiang dialectal continuum.
    Relation: 中國語言學集刊, Vol.17, pp.97-128
    Data Type: article
    DOI 連結: https://doi.org/10.30184/BCL.202410_17.0007
    DOI: 10.30184/BCL.202410_17.0007
    Appears in Collections:[中國文學系] 期刊論文

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