Loading...
|
Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item:
https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/157326
|
| Title: | 論現代湘語止攝開口韻的存古與創新
On the Phonological Retention and Innovation of the Unrounded Rhymes of Zhǐ Shè in Modern Xiang Language |
| Authors: | 吳瑞文
Wu, Rui-Wen |
| Contributors: | 中文系 |
| Keywords: | 現代湘語;止攝;中古音;比較方法;歷史語言學
Modern Xiang;Zhǐ shè;Middle Chinese;Comparative method;Historical linguistics |
| Date: | 2023-12 |
| Issue Date: | 2025-06-13 09:16:07 (UTC+8) |
| Abstract: | 本文從比較的觀點來探討現代湘語止攝開口三等韻中值得注意的音韻存古與創新。本文根據14種現代湘語的材料，關注止攝開口韻韻母的語音表現、層次問題、與韻母相關的聲母的搭配關係以及它們所經歷的語音演變。本文在研究方法上採取的是比較方法。這裡所說的比較方法有兩個面向。第一個面向，本文在程序上先進行現代湘語內部的同源詞比較，也就是歷史語言學的比較方法（comparative method）。第二個面向，本文透過中古音框架，以古音韻類與比較之後的現代湘語讀音進行比較，從而建立古今的對應關係。本文在研究方法上兼納兩個面向，以求更全面地建構古今漢語的歷時關係。本文的研究成果指出：就韻母而言，止攝開口韻同源詞有兩個明顯的音韻層次：白話層為舌面元音[i]，分布於中古幫系、泥母、來母、見系、影系、知系、章系等聲母；文讀層為舌尖元音[ɿ、ʅ]，分布於中古精系、莊系、知系、章系。從聲母來看，止攝開口韻同源詞也有不同的表現：白話層精系讀舌尖塞擦音ts-、莊系讀捲舌音tʂ-、知章兩系合流均讀舌面塞擦音tɕ-。文讀層則精系讀舌尖塞擦音ts，知莊章均讀捲舌音tʂ-。原始湘語止攝開口知章系同源詞「知支枝之、齒、池遲持治、屎試、時是」等可以構擬為*tɕi、*tɕhi、*dʑi，*ɕi、*ʑi。就聲母來說，原始湘語的存古性質在於它保留了中古時期章系（*tɕ）的讀法。至於創新，則是中古時期知系（*ȶ）不再是獨立的一套聲母，它發生了*ȶ>*tɕ的演變，也就是向章系靠攏。就韻母來說，原始湘語的存古性質在於它保留了舌尖化之前的舌面元音*i的讀法。然而，中古止攝開口支、脂、之三韻的區別，在原始湘語中完全沒有痕跡，都只能追溯到舌面元音*i。早期的音位對立消失，無疑地是一種創新。
From a comparative point of view, this article discusses the noteworthy phonological retention and innovation in the division-3 rhymes of Zhǐ Shè in modern Xiang language. Based on the materials of 14 modern Xiang dialects, this article focuses on the phonetic performance and hierarchy of the unrounded rhymes in Zhǐ Shè, as well as the collocation of the initials related to the finals and their phonetic evolution. This article adopts a comparative method in the research method. The comparison method described here has two aspects. For the first aspect, this article firstly compares the cognate words within the modern Xiang dialects, that is, the comparative method of historical linguistics. In the second aspect, this article compares the ancient phonology with the modern Xiang pronunciation through the medieval phonetic framework, so as to establish the corresponding relationship between ancient and modern. This article incorporates two aspects in the research method, in order to construct the diachronic relationship between ancient and modern Chinese more comprehensively. The research results of this article point out that: in terms of finals, there are two distinct phonological levels in the cognate words of Zhǐ Shè unrounded rhymes. The colloquial layer is the lingual vowel [i], which is distributed in the initials of *p- series, *n-, *l-, *k- series, *Ɂ- series, *ȶ- series and *tɕ- series etc. in Middle Chinese. The reading layer is the apical vowels [ɿ, ʅ], which are distributed in the initials of *ts- series, *tʃ- series, *ȶ- series and *tɕ- series etc. From the initial consonant point of view, the cognate words of Zhǐ Shè unrounded rhymes also have different manifestations: in the colloquial layer, *ts- series maintains ts-, and *tʃ- series shifts to the retroflex initial tʂ-series. Meanwhile, *ȶ- series and *tɕ- series both shifts to palatalization initial tɕ- series. In the reading layer, *ts- series maintains ts- series but *ȶ- series, *tʃ- series and *tɕseries shift to retroflex initial tʂ- series. The cognates, 知支枝之齒池遲持治屎試時是, with *ȶ- series and *tɕ- series initials in Middle Chinese could be traced to *tɕi, *tɕhi, *dʑi, *ɕi, *ʑi in Proto Xiang. As far as the initials are concerned, the proto forms in proto Xiang retain the early pronunciation of Zhang Xì (*tɕ- series) of the Middle Chinese. As for innovation, it is that in the Middle Chinese Zhi Xì (*ȶ- series) was no longer an independent set of initials, it evolved from *ȶ- > *tɕ-, that is, it has converged to Zhang Xì. As far as the finals are concerned, proto Xiang retains the pronunciation of the main vowel *i, instead of the apical vowels. However, the difference between the three separate finals of Zhǐ Shè unrounded rhymes in the Middle Chinese has undergone convergence in proto Xiang, and can only be traced back to the vowel *i. The disappearance of the early phonemic opposition is undoubtedly an innovation. |
| Relation: | 文與哲, Vol.43, pp.303-338 |
| Data Type: | article |
| Appears in Collections: | [中國文學系] 期刊論文
|
Files in This Item:
| File |
Description |
Size | Format | |
|---|
| index.html | | 0Kb | HTML | 42 | View/Open |
|
All items in 政大典藏 are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved.
|
