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| Title: | 台灣「政黨名單候選人」甄補之持續與變遷
Continuity and Change in Nomination for Party-list Candidates: A Case Study of Taiwan |
| Authors: | 廖育嶒
Liao, Yu-ceng |
| Contributors: | 選舉研究 |
| Keywords: | 政治甄補;政黨名單;不分區立委;選制改革;政治價值觀
political recruitment;party list;at-large legislators;electoral reform;political value |
| Date: | 2024-05 |
| Issue Date: | 2024-07-15 15:07:32 (UTC+8) |
| Abstract: | 台灣在2005年第七次修憲以前，政黨名單立委(又稱「不分區立委」)的設計已存在，但選民只能針對區域立委投票。改制後,選民擁有兩張選票，可分別投給其偏好的區域立委及政黨。本文認為選制改革後的政黨有動機在政黨名單提名「優質候選人」以贏得選民支持。本文針對1992至2024年共十次立委選舉,分析選舉公報上政黨名單候選人的背景資訊,並特別聚焦在國內主要政黨的人才甄補。研究發現,整體而言選制改革後,各政黨提名更多高學歷候選人，降低現任立委的提名，增加更多元專業人士及社會團體的提名。然而，從比較「實質名單(安全名單)」與「象徵名單(不安全名單)的差異來看，無論改制前後，各政黨偏好將現任立委列入實質名單。此外，若僅檢視國內主要政黨，特別是國民黨及民進黨兩大政黨來看，選制改革後，他們不僅增加專業人士及社會團體代表的提名，各職業代表分配在實質或象徵名單之間也沒有顯著差異，這顯示主要政黨的確在改制後甄補更多元的社會代表。然而，資深立委及具地方、黨內派系背景者進入實質名單機率仍較高，這顯示政黨名單在改制後仍未完全擺脫平衡黨內政治勢力之角色。
Before Taiwan’s Seventh Constitutional Amendment in 2005, there existed a system of party-list legislators (so-called “at-large legislators”), but voters could only vote for district legislators. After electoral reform, voters can now cast a separate two votes for their preferred district legislator and a political party. This study contends that the electoral reform incentivized parties to nominate “quality candidates” for the party list to garner voter recognition. This study analyzes the characteristics of party-list candidates from 1992 to 2024 who took part in ten congressional elections, and specifically focuses on the political recruitment of major parties in Taiwan. This research finds that parties recruited more highly educated candidates, reduced nominations of incumbent legislators, and increased nominations of a broader spectrum of candidates from various professions and social groups after the electoral reform. However, when examining the difference between a “realistic list” (“safe list”) and a “symbolic list” (“unsafe list”), parties have tended to prefer to place incumbent legislators on the realistic list, no matter before or after the electoral reform. Furthermore, when focusing only on the major parties, particularly the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party, it has been observed that after the electoral reform, they not only increased the nomination of professionals and social group representatives but also showed no significant difference in the placement of various occupations on either the realistic or symbolic lists. This indicates that the major parties did indeed nominate a more diverse societal representation in the post-reform period. However, veteran legislators and candidates with backgrounds in local or party factions still have had a higher chance of being included in the realistic list. This suggests that even after the electoral reform, the party list system has not been able to fully escape its role in balancing internal political forces within the parties. |
| Relation: | 選舉研究, 31(1), 49-100 |
| Data Type: | article |
| DOI 連結: | https://doi.org/10.6612/tjes.202405_31(1).0002 |
| DOI: | 10.6612/tjes.202405_31(1).0002 |
| Appears in Collections: | [選舉研究 TSSCI] 期刊論文
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Files in This Item:
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Size | Format | |
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| 31-1-2.pdf | | 1629Kb | Adobe PDF | 60 | View/Open |
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