政大機構典藏-National Chengchi University Institutional Repository(NCCUR):Item 140.119/114466
English  |  正體中文  |  简体中文  |  Post-Print筆數 : 27 |  Items with full text/Total items : 113656/144643 (79%)
Visitors : 51719441      Online Users : 622
RC Version 6.0 © Powered By DSPACE, MIT. Enhanced by NTU Library IR team.
Scope Tips:
  • please add "double quotation mark" for query phrases to get precise results
  • please goto advance search for comprehansive author search
    •  Adv. Search
    Home ‧ Login ‧ Upload ‧ Help ‧ About ‧ Administer Goto mobile version


    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/114466


    Title: 政黨輪替前後的立法院內投票結盟
    A Comparison of Voting Coalitions in the Legislative Yuan before and after Party Turnover of the Year 2000
    Authors: 黃秀瑞
    Hawang, Shiow-Duan
    Keywords: 投票聯盟;分立政府;一致政府;政黨輪替;政黨投票;政黨團結度
    voting coalition;divided government;unified governmentpParty turnover;party vote;intra-party cohesion
    Date: 2004-05
    Issue Date: 2017-11-08 11:21:37 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 國會是民主國家政策合法化之機構，任何法案皆須經由國會多數之通過。在每一次重要法案表決時，各政黨黨鞭便會積極動員同黨成員的支持，甚至要說明其它政黨或它黨的次級團體來支持他們的法案。我國在制度設計上，執政黨重要議案的未能通過，並不直接行政院院長及其內閣之去留，但是法案的受挫，影響政府之施政目標與政策甚大，也可能同時喪失對選民之承諾，因此執政黨無不卯盡全力尋求支持。
    本文主要的研究問題爲：第四屆立法委員選舉結果，國民黨以123席，54.7%的席次，遙遙領先民進黨的70席(31.1%)，但是在2000年總統選舉之後，民進黨執政，在執政黨與在野黨角色互換，但是國會仍以國民黨爲多數之情況下，立法院內的投票結盟是否有所轉變呢？此時的民進黨尋求投票勝利聯盟的方式是否與國民黨不同呢？第五屆立法委員選舉之後，立法院的結構劇變，民進黨成爲立法院未過半數的第一大黨、國民黨次之、親民黨一舉得下四十六席、台聯亦獲得十三席，新黨僅剩一席，在這樣的政治生態之下，立法院不同政黨間之結盟狀態是否有所改變呢？
    本文主要以第四屆立委以及第五屆第一、二會期的立法院院會記名投票爲分析的內容，記名表決只是院會表決的一種方式之一，不過我們還是可以從記名表決資料中，找出政黨之間互動與結盟的模式。比較國民黨執政的一致性政府時期與民進黨執政後的分立政府時期，我們可以看到立法院內政黨結盟的方式是有不同的。在一致性政府時期，各黨的黨紀較爲鬆弛，政黨對決的法案也較少，常因議題之不同，政黨之間的結盟便不同。只要是與兩岸關係或統獨相關議題，民進黨與國新兩黨便處於對立狀態；但是國民黨在經濟或地方性議題便可能尋求民進黨的支持；而在環保與改革議題上，民進黨與新黨可能結盟對抗國民黨。在分立政府時期，泛藍選擇在策略是與民進黨對抗，因此跨議題結盟的空間便相當少。即使在第五屆立委選舉之後，此種對抗之狀況不減反增，尤其當雙方陣營的實力接近時，政黨動員便升高，各政黨團結度皆因此而增加，箉是泛藍在過去掌握絕對多數時，可以容許較鬆弛之團結度，當此種優勢不再時，團結度不得不加強。由於民進黨難以尋求泛菌陣營的政黨在不同議題合作，只好採取向次團體或個別立委拉攏的方式，但是此種方式的代價相當高。
    Congress is the source of legitimacy in any country. All legislation must be passed by it. In order to pass its legislation, all party leaders in the congress will try with all their efforts to mobilize their members to vote for their party positions. Though, according to our constitution, the loss of a bill in the Legislative Yuan will not directly lead to the failure of the government, it will certainly affect its policy goals and its promises to the people.
    The research questions of this paper are as follows: Does it make a difference if the executive branch and the legislative branch of the government are divided, that is, controlled by different parties? Before the 2000 presidential election, the KMT controlled both executive and legislative branches, but after the election, the DPP became the incumbent party in the executive branch while the KMT remained in control of the majority of seats in the Legislative Yuan. This paper will consider the question:
    Have there been any differences in party voting patterns between these two periods? After the 2002 legislative election, the composition of the Legislative Yuan changed dramatically: the DPP became the largest party in the Legislative Yuan, the KMT got 68 seats and became the second largest party, the PFP won 46 seats, while the TSU took 13 seats. In this new situation, have there been any changes in terms of voting coalitions?
    This research used all the roll-call votes of the fourth term legislature and first and second sessions of the fifth term legislature in the chamber. During the unified government period, party disciplines among different parties were looser, weaker party confrontation, and voting coalitions have been varied among different types of legislation. While during the period of divided government, the pan-green (DPP and TSU) and pan blue (KMT and PFP) have been strongly against each other. There is virtually no room for other types of coalition. This confrontation continues even after the first session of the fifth term legislature, when the DPP became the largest party in the Legislative Yuan. Not only have the party votes increased, but also the intra-party cohesion has increased. It is very difficult for the incumbent DPP to seek support from opposition parties in different policy domains. Thus, the DPP has had to persuade some independent lawmakers or some members of certain factions to support its important legislation, but in this case the cost has been very high.
    Relation: 選舉研究 , 11(1) , 1-32
    Data Type: article
    DOI link: http://dx.doi.org/10.6612%2ftjes.2004.11.01.01-32
    DOI: 10.6612/tjes.2004.11.01.01-32
    Appears in Collections:[Journal of Electoral studies] Journal Articles

    Files in This Item:

    File Description SizeFormat
    11(1)(001-032).pdf1672KbAdobe PDF2317View/Open


    All items in 政大典藏 are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved.


    社群 sharing

    著作權政策宣告 Copyright Announcement
    1.本網站之數位內容為國立政治大學所收錄之機構典藏，無償提供學術研究與公眾教育等公益性使用，惟仍請適度，合理使用本網站之內容，以尊重著作權人之權益。商業上之利用，則請先取得著作權人之授權。
    The digital content of this website is part of National Chengchi University Institutional Repository. It provides free access to academic research and public education for non-commercial use. Please utilize it in a proper and reasonable manner and respect the rights of copyright owners. For commercial use, please obtain authorization from the copyright owner in advance.

    2.本網站之製作，已盡力防止侵害著作權人之權益，如仍發現本網站之數位內容有侵害著作權人權益情事者，請權利人通知本網站維護人員(nccur@nccu.edu.tw)，維護人員將立即採取移除該數位著作等補救措施。
    NCCU Institutional Repository is made to protect the interests of copyright owners. If you believe that any material on the website infringes copyright, please contact our staff(nccur@nccu.edu.tw). We will remove the work from the repository and investigate your claim.
    DSpace Software Copyright © 2002-2004  MIT &  Hewlett-Packard  /   Enhanced by   NTU Library IR team Copyright ©   - Feedback