政大機構典藏-National Chengchi University Institutional Repository(NCCUR):Item 140.119/104426
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    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/104426


    Title: 両岸和平交渉における政治上の困難と選択可能な代替案について 兩岸和平談判的政治困難與替案選擇
    Authors: 張顯超
    Keywords: 和平協議、兩岸關係、政治整合、一個中國政策、Peace accord、cross-strait relations、political integration、One- China policy
    Date: 2011-03
    Issue Date: 2016-12-02 15:18:10 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 2008 年12 月31 日、胡錦濤総書記が対台湾政策の方針として発表した「胡六点」は両岸の敵対状態の終結、および和平交渉を求めるものであった。台湾からすると、当面の国家主権の認識と交渉の対価についての双方の認識は相当かけ離れており、また民主化後の台湾にとって、中国 に従属する「一国二制度」の非主権国家という肩書きは受け入れ難いものである。中国大陸側の意図する交渉とは、徐々に政治的・法的拘束力を発揮し、台湾を中国大陸との政治的な国家統合に向かわせ、いわゆる両岸関係の「後戻りできない形勢（making the positive changes irreversible）」に持ち込むものである。ところが、両岸の和平協議に関わる政治交渉は、主権を国際政治や国際法、憲法の具体的な意義の中に置いた上で検討して初めて、台湾にとって実質的な意味を持つ。まもなく到来するであろう両岸の政治交渉と いう難局に際し、中国・福建省と台湾による「海西経済区（台湾海峡西岸経済区）」協力モデルの道や、あるいは双方が受け入れられる範囲のもとで、両岸の経済と社会モデルの初期段階のすり合わせにおいて、実行可能な道筋をつけていくことができるであろう。 「胡六點」提出了兩岸結束敵對狀態與進行和平談判要求。對於台灣而言，當前雙方對於國家主權認知與談判對價差距甚大，且民主化以後的台灣是很難接受一個從屬於中國「一國兩制」的非主權國家身分。北京方面的談判思維，就是意圖逐漸地以政治與法律約束力，框住台灣必須朝向與中國大陸進行國家統合的政治發展，達到所謂兩岸關係「不可逆轉的趨勢」（making the positive changes irreversible）。儘管如此，兩岸有關和平協議的政治談判，是必須將主權放在國際政治、國際法與憲法的具體內涵加以討論，對台灣才會有實質意義。面對即將到來兩岸政治談判的難局，中國大陸福建與台灣在「海西經濟區」的合作試驗，或是一條在雙方可以接受範圍之下，進行兩岸初階經濟與社會模式磨合的可行替代途徑。The `Six-Points` proposed by the PRC leader Hu Jintao stipulates the terms of easing cross-strait hostilities and encouraging peaceful negotiation. From Taiwan`s perspective, the difference in interpretations between Beijing and Taipei on national sovereignty is irreconcilable. More importantly, a democratized Taiwan is not likely to accept a so-called `One State, Two Systems` compromise. Thus far, Beijing`s negotiation strategy is premised on restraining Taiwan`s political and legal status internationally, thereby constraining Taiwan to a path destined for integration with mainland China. Such political developments would invariably reach a tipping point after which changes to the status-quo would be irreversible. However, when conducting political negotiations on a peace agreement it is vital to contextualize sovereignty within international politics as well as international legal and constitutional frameworks in order to produce meaningful results. In resolving the foreseeable cross-strait political gridlock, the experimentation in cooperation between the Chinese province of Fujian and Taiwan with a `Heisey economic zone` may be an alternative approach for both sides to engage in an initial model for economic and social interactions.
    The `Six-Points` proposed by the PRC leader Hu Jintao stipulates the terms of easing cross-strait hostilities and encouraging peaceful negotiation. From Taiwan`s perspective, the difference in interpretations between Beijing and Taipei on national sovereignty is irreconcilable. More importantly, a democratized Taiwan is not likely to accept a so-called `One State, Two Systems` compromise. Thus far, Beijing`s negotiation strategy is premised on restraining Taiwan`s political and legal status internationally, thereby constraining Taiwan to a path destined for integration with mainland China. Such political developments would invariably reach a tipping point after which changes to the status-quo would be irreversible. However, when conducting political negotiations on a peace agreement it is vital to contextualize sovereignty within international politics as well as international legal and constitutional frameworks in order to produce meaningful results. In resolving the foreseeable cross-strait political gridlock, the experimentation in cooperation between the Chinese province of Fujian and Taiwan with a `Heisey economic zone` may be an alternative approach for both sides to engage in an initial model for economic and social interactions.
    Relation: 問題と研究,40-1,69-107
    Data Type: article
    Appears in Collections:[Mondai to Kenkyu] Journal Articles

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