| Abstract: | 冷戰後恐怖主義對國際安全構成日益嚴重的威脅, 但長期以來中共對恐怖主義的威脅認知並不強烈, 反恐在中共外交政策也一直未成為主要議題, 一是中共具高度的國內控制能力, 包括東突在內的恐怖主義勢力的發展受到制約; 二是傳統的軍事安全和權力競爭仍是影響中共外交政策的主要因素, 而非作為非傳統安全的恐怖主義. 但九0年代末, 中共率先在周邊區域層次推動反恐外交, 九一一事件後, 中共更順勢將反恐外交延伸至全球層次, 建構了以美國為中心的雙邊反恐框架, 這也說明反恐在中共對外政策中已成為重要考量. 本文旨在就中共對區域和全球兩個層面的反恐外交實踐來探討: 一. 中共反恐外交的意圖不僅在於反恐怖主義本身, 而是在於藉反恐獲取更多的政治和安全利益. 二. 從國際合作建制的脆弱特質, 美國力行單邊主義, 以及中共無法改變傳統安全威脅認知的原因可以瞭解, 中共全球反恐外交對於緩和中美雙邊關係固然具有成效, 但不易改變雙方結構性的分歧和緊張互動. 三. 中共未來毫無選擇的仍必須以美國為主軸, 不過中共已嘗試同歐洲以及周邊國家強化關係, 來作為平衡向美國傾斜的策略.
Despite terrorism poses increasingly threats in international security after Cold-War, PRC has not been aware of it and anti-terrorism has never been a major issue in its foreign policy for a long time. There are two reasons: First, PRC is able to streghten internal control including containing terrorist activities of Eastern Turkishtan; Second, PRC`s foreign policy is still focused on conventional military security and power competition rather than unconventional terrorism. In the end of 1990s, however, PRC began to prompt in an anti-terrorism diplomacy in the neighboring region, PRC even extended this campaign to a global level, and constructs bilateral and multi-lateral anti-terrorism frameworks as US is the main point. Anti-terrorism, therefore has become an important topic in PRC`s foreign policy. This paper discusses regional and global aspects of PRC`s anti-terrorism diplomacy. It argues that PRC`s intention is not only for the anti-terrorism but also for garnering more political and security benefits. Because of the fragile cooperation of international regime, the unilateralism of USA, and PRC`s failure of modify its conventional security perception, it is difficult to moderate the structural tension between the US and PRC. PRC have no choice but to work with US, although it attempts to enhance relationship with Europe and neighboring countries to balance USA. |
