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    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/97379


    Title: 蔣介石 一位彈性國際主義者：以1942年訪印為例的討論
    Other Titles: Chiang Kai-shek, a Flexible Internationalist: On His 1942 Visit to India
    Authors: 呂芳上
    Lu, Fang-shang
    Keywords: 蔣介石;印度;甘地;彈性國際主義者
    Chiang Kai-shek;India;Mohandas Gandhi;flexible internationalist
    Date: 2012-05
    Issue Date: 2016-06-02 16:01:40 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 1941年底，珍珠港事變促成的同盟國陣線成形後，中國終於有機會躋身世界「四強」之列。蔣介石作為一個東方大國的國家領袖，一方面為中國因此能擺脫百年來「不平等條約體系」下國家地位的提升，感到光榮和驕傲；另一方面又深以「中古中國」的現狀，竟能與近代化強國並列，覺得心虛。這在蔣介石日記，記錄一個貧弱大國實際狀況與國際強國並列時，感受強弱落差的內心煎熬中，有充分顯現。1942年2月，蔣介石、宋美齡夫婦偕同隨員15人正式出訪印度。訪印之行，結果雖不算成功，但訪問過程顯示他手腕靈活又善於利用機會，進行外交活動。他把此行界定為「濟弱扶傾」之旅，時時惦記的是解放包括中國在內的亞洲被壓迫民族，正凸顯了民族主義對抗帝國主義的一面。有意思的是他樂於接受帝國主義者(英、美)的安排，使中國晉身四強之階，卻常批判帝國主義的是與非，又時時提醒自己不要稱霸。\\r如果從1920年代蔣介石涉入並主導中國政治後的長期經驗加以觀察，蔣介石是一個民族主義者，又是一位彈性國際主義者。
    In the wake of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor at the end of 1941, China eventually rose to be ranked among the world’s “Big Four” as the Allied frontline formed. As the leader of a colossal Eastern nation, Chiang Kai-shek took pride in casting off the “unequal treaty system” set up in China over a hundred years ago; while humbled by the fact that a “China like the middle ages” stood equal to the modernized major powers. Through his records, on China as a fragile nation confronting international powers, Chiang’s diary explicitly indicates his awareness of the disparity in development and the intrinsic tribulations that it caused. In February 1942, Chiang Kai-shek and his wife Soong May-ling, accompanied by fifteen members of entourage, embarked on a formal visit to India. The trip itself was not entirely successful in retrospect, but showed that Chiang was shrewd and resourceful when dealing with diplomatic affairs.Chiang, mindful of liberating the suppressed nations in Asia, China included, defined the goal of this trip as “to relieve the less privileged and support those on the brink”. Antagonism between nationalism and imperialism was pivotal. It is intriguing to see how Chiang reconciled imperialist agenda (including the United Kingdom and the United States) as a step for China to become one of the Big Four, constantly criticizing imperialist fallacies and consciously eschewing hegemony. In view of Chiang’s long-term experience and exploits since his involvement in and later dominance over Chinese politics in the 1920s, Chiang was arguably both a nationalist and a flexible internationalist.
    Relation: 政治大學歷史學報, 37, 121-146
    The Journal of History
    Data Type: article
    Appears in Collections:[The Journal of History, NCCU] Articles

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