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    Title: 俄羅斯的聯邦制與民族自治--以1990年代為中心的分析
    Federalism and National Autonomy in Russia--the Analysis of 1990s
    Authors: 徐桂香
    Hsu, Kuei-hsiang
    Contributors: 周陽山
    Chou, Yang-Sun
    徐桂香
    Hsu, Kuei-hsiang
    Keywords: 俄羅斯聯邦
    聯邦制度
    民族自治
    布里亞特共和國
    圖瓦共和國
    喀爾瑪克共和國
    Russian Federation
    Federalism
    National autonomy
    Buryatia Republic
    Tuva Republic
    Kalmykia Republic
    Date: 2003
    Issue Date: 2009-09-18 10:05:36 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 俄羅斯作為一個多民族的聯邦國家,自一九九一年獨立以後採行市場改革與民主制度,轉型後面臨國家、民族與民主化的多重挑戰。民主轉型是一條冗長而複雜的道路,而且通常不是一條坦途。俄羅斯也不可避免要面對這樣的挑戰。俄羅斯的聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的遺緒,前蘇聯的民族區域自治政策相當程度的影響了俄羅斯的聯邦制度。聯邦制度被許多人視為是一種能容納民族多元文化的制度化機制,但是採行聯邦制的俄羅斯一開始就面對蜂擁而至的民族分離勢力,統一成為議題而非共識,聯邦制度與民族自治的關係與發展成為攸關俄羅斯未來的一項重要問題,本文就選擇俄羅斯的聯邦制與民族自治作為論文主題,而以一九九○年作為分析的中心。
    本文研究架構從新制度主義的研究途徑來探討後共時期的俄羅斯,我們在文中有三項主要的分析架構。首先,我們選擇由轉型學中的一項相當顯著的概念-「協議轉型」,來省視它的民主化過程。我們使用政治學家卡爾對協議的探討,他分析協議內涵包括基礎性與管理性,對於協議有進一步的瞭解。同時,他使用策略與主導力量的變數作出了民主轉型的類型表,本文作者則修正其類型表增加兩項變數,從使用策略與主導力量的角度來分析俄羅斯轉型過程中,涉及聯邦制度與地區自治的幾項協議,包括《聯盟條約》、《聯邦條約》、《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》、《俄韃條約》、《公民協定》與《權力分享協定》作為分析對象;此外,也將俄羅斯轉型初期地區力量最為凸顯的韃靼斯坦與車臣兩個民族共和國,以及本文所分析的三個個案-喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦,也一併置於類型表中作分析。這些協議除了《公民協定》以外,其餘協議對於俄羅斯聯邦制度的發展以及俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係都有影響。我們在此發現,除了《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》是屬於「菁英與群眾合作」的「強制接受」的類型外,其餘都是「協商妥協」中的「菁英優勢」類型。雖然絕大多數的協議都是以協商妥協的方式通過,但是因為國家根本大法憲法以強制方式通過,也是造成俄羅斯後來政局不穩定的最主要因素之一。其次,我們從多位政治學者對聯邦制度的理論探討,包括不對稱聯邦制度的分析,來探討俄羅斯聯邦制度的安排,由俄羅斯聯邦憲法對於中央與地區的權力劃分來詳細分析俄羅斯聯邦制度的特徵。從學者分析不對稱聯邦制度模式會有衝突的潛在性,對聯邦制度的發展不具正面的功能,甚至可能會危及聯邦的統一,對俄羅斯聯邦制度的不穩定可以提供部分的解釋功能。最後,我們從策略運用的角度來分析俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係,將俄羅斯由獨立初期至一九九○年代末期,聯邦政府與地區(特別是民族共和國)所運用的策略,由策略型式、時間演進與光譜分布,來研究一九九○年代俄羅斯聯邦政府與地區的關係發展梗概。從一九九○年代初期的「主權的遊行」到一九九四年以後的「雙邊條約的遊行」的現象發展中,可以發現從時間演進與光譜分布來看,俄羅斯聯邦政府是節節敗退,先懷柔與施惠,最後才祭出武力作為施壓。而自一九九四年的第一次車臣戰爭以後,地區分離力量已有所收斂,地區轉而爭取經濟與自治權益居多,直至普丁總統上任以後,才著手積極整頓聯邦政府與地區的幾項爭議問題。
    本文使用新制度主義研究途徑探討俄羅斯聯邦與民族自治,以一九九○年代為分析中心,並以喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個共和國作為個案探討對象。文中以俄羅斯獨立至葉爾辛下台作為主要的研究分析期,詳實分析俄羅斯聯邦發展過程中如何處理民族問題,以期對多民族國家處理民族問題的做法有更深一層的瞭解。全文分為六章。第一章緒論。敘述研究動機、所使用的研究途徑、研究架構與章節分配。第二章探討民族主義與俄羅斯,敘述俄羅斯與民族主義的關係,對俄羅斯民族主義的特徵、蘇聯的民族理論與政策與蘇聯解體的民族因素,先作背景因素的探討。第三章分析俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制。對俄羅斯獨立初期的民主轉型,特別是以協議轉型作為分析重心。分析俄羅斯獨立以後的多項協議的內涵與重要性,再從聯邦制的理論來分析俄羅斯所採取的聯邦制內涵與特徵。第四章分析俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係。以俄羅斯的民族政策、俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係,以及地區精英作為觀察中心。第五章選擇喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個民族共和國作為研究個案,這三個共和國是蒙古族後裔或與蒙古族族源接近的民族所聚居的共和國,文中比較分析三個共和國在俄羅斯獨立以後的策略以及與中央的互動。第六章結論。先評估俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制度的優缺點,再從普丁總統上任以後對俄羅斯聯邦制度的改革、俄羅斯作為多民族聯邦國家與民主鞏固的關係作前景的探討。
    本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的制度遺緒,再披上現代民主的形式,使得俄羅斯的聯邦制難以調適民主化以後的變革。一九九○年代聯邦政府處理地區-特別是民族共和國-的分離勢力捉襟見肘。聯邦政府對分離力量收斂以後所代之而起的地區爭權趨勢,也始終未能理順,導致普丁總統上任以後對地區勢力不斷採取抑制方式。本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度需作結構性的調整,以適應未來的改革,否則地區力量會隨著中央的衰頹東山再起,對俄羅斯長遠的發展並不利。
    As a multi-ethnic federation nation, Russia, since its independence in 1991, initiated market reform and embarked on establishing a democratic system. In the process of this transformation, it had to confront many challenges related to ethnicity and democratization. Democratization is a long and complex process and, more than often, not an easy road. Russia too, hence, was not exempted from facing such challenges.
    The federalism of Russia has inherited some remnants of its legacy from former Soviet Union. Former Soviet Union’s policy of regional autonomy based on ethnicity has had substantial degree of influence on Russia’s federalism. The federalism is regarded by many people as a systematic mechanism which is able to accommodate a multi-ethnic culture. However, Russia, at the very onset of adopting this system, had to confront many forces which supported ethnic separation. Unification became a mere agenda not mutual consensus. The relationship between federalism and ethnic autonomy and development became an important issue for the future of Russia. This paper hereby chooses the federalism of Russia and ethnic autonomy as the topic of the thesis, and selects the 1990s as the focal point of this analytical study.
    The analytical framework of this paper exploits the approach of new-institutionalism to examine a post-Communist Russia. Our paper comprises of three key frameworks for analysis. First, we will pick one of the relatively distinct concepts of democratic transition-“Pacted Transitions” to analyze Russia’s democratization process. Let’s take the reference of political expert Terry Lynn Karl’s study on compromise. His analysis on pacts includes both basics and managerial, thus offering a much better understanding on pacts. At the same time, he employs strategy and leadership as variables to create modes of transition to democracy. The writer of this paper amends this chart to include two additional variables. From the aspect of strategy and leadership, we can analyze some of the compromises undertaken by the federalism and regional autonomies including the “Union Treaty,” the Federation Treaty, the Constitution of Russian Federation, “On Delimitation of Jurisdictional Subjects and Mutual Delegation of Authority between the State Bodies of the Russian Federation and the Russian Federation and the State Bodies of the Republic of Tatarstan,” the Civic Accord, the power-sharing agreements between Russian federal government and its subjects, etc, which Russia encountered during its transition process. In addition to these, this paper will also accommodate in its analysis chart the ethnic republics of Tatarstan and Chechnya - two most prominent regional forces during the initial period of Russia’s transition, plus three study cases on Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva.
    All the above mentioned treaties and agreements, with the exception of the Civic Accord, had significant influence on the development of Russia’s federalism and the interrelationship between the Federation and the territories. Here we’ll discover that, except for the “Constitution of Russian Federation” which can be classified as “Imposition” in the mode of ”Cooperation between the elite and the mass”, the rest belong to the mode of “Compromise” in “Elite Ascendant”. Even though most of the agreements were conceived by way of compromises, but since the national constitution was passed and approved in a coercive manner, this has remained as one of the predominant reason for the subsequent instability of the Russian Federation. Secondly, while referring to the theories proposed by various political experts on the federalism, including studies on asymmetrical federalism, we can examine the arrangement of the Russian Federalism and analyze its characteristics from its constitution’s perspective on division of powers and jurisdictions between the center and the territories. From the analyses of these experts, wherein they infer that this type of asymmetrical federalism holds potential for generating conflicts and does not have any positive influence towards the development of the federalism, even to the extent of possible undermining of the federation’s unification, we can provide some explanation for the instability of the Russian Federation.
    Finally, let us inspect the development of relationship between the Russian Federation and the regions from the perspective of utilization of strategies - the strategies which were employed by the Federal government and the territories (especially the ethnic republics) from the time of Russia’s initial phase of independence till the late nineteen nineties, and through the type of strategies, time progression and the distribution of spectrum, understand the synopsis of this relationship.
    From the development of events since the “Parade of Sovereignties” in the early nineties till the “Parade of Bilateral Treaties,” after 1994, by referring to time progression and the distribution of spectrum we can understand that the government of the Russian Federation has been deteriorating progressively –at first posing benign and offering incentives, and then eventually resorting to oppression by military might. Since it’s first conflict with Chechnya in 1994, the secessionist forces in the regions have relatively quailed, with the majority of the territories rather claiming for economic rights and autonomy. It was only after the appointment of President Vladimir Putin that these problems between the federal government and the territories were intensively looked into and dealt with.
    This paper utilizes the approach of new-institutionalism to analyze the Russian Federation and the ethnic autonomies. We choose the nineteen nineties period as the focus of this research and select Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva as the subjects for case studies. This paper allots the time beginning from the independence of Russia till the departure of President Boris Yeltsin as the primary time period for analysis, with in-depth look on ways to resolve ethnic conflicts while studying the process of development of the Russian Federation, with a hope to get a deeper understanding of how to resolve ethnic problems within a multi-ethnic nation.
    The whole paper is comprised of six chapters.
    The first chapter explains the motive of this study, the various approaches used for the study, the frameworks of this analysis and the distribution of the chapters. Taking the characteristics of nationalism in Russia, it’s ethnic groups and various related theories and policies instigating the disintegration of the former Soviet Union as the basis of study for its background aspects, the second chapter deals with nationalism and Russia, the interrelationship between the two.
    The third chapter probes into Russia’s democratization and its federalism. It analyzes Russia’s early stages of transition to democracy with special reference to “Pacted Transition” as the focal point. Here we study the contents and significance of the various treaties and agreements of Russia and thereafter from the theories of the federalism, we analyze the essence and features of the federalism adopted by Russia.
    The fourth chapter focuses on the relationship between the Russian federal government and the territories. Here we take Russia’s policies on ethnicity, the relationship between the federal government and the regions and the regional elites as the focus of our observation.
    The fifth chapter partakes the republics of Kalmykia, Buryat and Tuva as case studies for this research. These three republics are either descendants of the Mongol or have close association with Mongoloid ancestry. In this chapter we take a look at the policies adopted after Russia’s independence and their interaction with the center.
    The sixth chapter evaluates the pros and cons of Russia’s democratization and federalism. Thereafter, as the foreground of this paper, we study all the reforms in Russia, which are undertaken by the Russian Federation following the election of President Vladimir Putin, and the relationship between Russia, a multi-ethnic nation and its democratic consolidation.
    This paper assumes that Russia has inherited the vestiges of former Soviet Union and at the same time adorning itself with a style of a modern democracy, making it very difficult to adapt to changes following its democratization. In the nineteen nineties, the Russian federal government was quite unsuccessful in handling the secessionist forces in the regions, especially the ethnic republics. The federal government was unable to restrain the trend in regional power struggles, which became fervent after the secessionist forces tempered down. This eventually led to the use of prolonged methods of suppression by President Vladimir Putin. This paper assumes that the Russian Federation needs to make major structural changes in its system in order to adapt itself to future reforms, failing which, the regional forces will once again rise up as the center weakens, thus proving unfavorable for the development of Russia in the long-run.
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    格•尼•瓦奇納澤,1993年,《俄羅斯》,北京:新華出版社。
    埃里.凱杜里著,張明明譯,2002年,《民族主義》,北京:中央編譯出版社。
    郭武平,民88年,《俄羅斯的政黨政治》,台北:五南圖書出版公司。
    張明貴譯,2001年,《俄國政治體系》,台北:風雲論壇出版社。
    黃德福,民81年,《民主進步黨與台灣地區政治民主化》,台北:時英出版社。
    《普京文集》,2002年,北京:中國社會科學出版社。
    詹寧斯、瓦茨修訂,王鐵崖、陳公綽、湯宗舜、周仁譯,1995年,《奧本海國際法》第一卷第一分冊,北京:中國大百科全書出版社。
    惠爾(K. C. Wheare)著,傅曾仁等譯,民81年,《聯邦政府》,台北:台灣商務印書館。
    葉自成,1997年,《俄羅斯政府與政治》,台北:揚智文化出版公司。
    普沃斯基,張光、馬俊峰譯,1998年,《民主與市場》,台北:桂冠圖書公司。
    喬.薩扥利,馮克利、閻克文譯,1997年,《民主新論》,北京:東方出版社。
    喀爾瑪克共和國總統行政機關新聞部編,蒙藏委員會譯,1995年,《改革中的喀爾瑪克》,埃利斯塔市:喀爾瑪克書局。
    楊逢泰,民65年,《民族自決的理論和實際》,台北:正中書局。
    趙永茂,1998年,《中央與地方權限劃分的理論與實際:兼論台灣地方政府的變革方向》,台北:翰蘆圖書出版公司。
    趙竹成,2002年,《俄羅斯聯邦體制的憲政基礎及其衝突》,台北:韋伯文化事業出版社。
    趙常慶、陳聯璧、劉庚岑、董曉陽著,1996年,《蘇聯民族問題研究》,北京:科學文獻出版社。
    趙威,民84年,《俄羅斯史綱要》,台北:明文書局。
    趙龍庚主編,1992年,《獨聯體各國概覽》,北京:時事出版社。
    劉向文,2002年,《俄國政府與政治》,台北:五南圖書出版公司。
    劉向文、賀永方主編,1996年,《蘇共喪失執政地位的原因及其教訓》,北京:國防大學學出版社。
    潘照東主編,1992年,《西伯利亞.遠東經濟》,呼和浩特。
    羅伯特.康奎斯特主編,劉靖北、劉振前譯,1993年,《最後的帝國-民族問題與蘇聯的前途》,上海:華東師範大學出版社。
    羅肇鴻,1993 年,《獨聯體各國概覽》,上海:華東師範大學出版社。
    齊向等,1992年,《蘇聯解體內幕》,天津:吉林人民出版社。
    畢英賢,1991年,《新蘇聯》,台北:時報文化出版有限公司。
    畢英賢主編,1995年,《俄羅斯》,台北:政大國研中心。
    郝時遠、阮西湖主編,1993年,《蘇聯民族危機與聯盟解體》,成都:四川民族 出版社。
    潘照東主編,1992年,《西伯利亞.遠東經濟》,呼和浩特。
    薩托利著,雷飛龍譯,民87年,《比較憲政工程》(Comparative Constitutional Engineering),台北:國立編譯館。
    薛君度、陸南泉主編,1997年,《新俄羅斯:政治、經濟、外交》,北京:中國社會科學出版社。
    樊明方,民85年,《唐努烏梁海》,台北:蒙藏委員會。
    戴維.米勒與書農.波格丹諾編,《布萊克維爾政治學百科全書》(The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Political Science)(1987)(中譯本)。
    龔學增、靳薇、胡岩編著,1994年,《民族問題與宗教問題講座》,北京:中共中央黨校出版社。
    B. B. 馬夫羅金,余大鈞譯,1994年,《俄羅斯統一國家的形成》,北京:商務印書館。
    Chew, Allen F. 郭聖銘譯,1995年,《俄國歷史地圖解說-一千一百年俄國疆界的變動》,北京:商務印書館。
    Ernest Gellner 著,李金梅譯,2000年,《國族主義》(Nationalism),台北:聯經出版公司。
    李金梅、黃俊龍譯,2001年,《國族與國族主義》(Nations and Nationalism),台北:聯經出版公司。
    Guibernau,Montserrat著,周志杰譯,2002年,《無國家的民族-全球時代的政治社群》,台北:韋伯文化事業出版社。
    Hungtington, Samuel P. 1994年,石浮等譯,《變動社會的政治秩序》,台北:時報文化。
    H. 帕里莫夫著,許淑明譯,1987年,《卡爾梅克族在俄國境內時期的歷史概況》,烏魯木齊:新疆人民出版社。
    Lehning, Percy B.編著, 許雲翔、江珮君、葉錦娟、劉中文譯,民91年《分離主義的理論》,台北:韋伯文化事業出版社。
    Levine, Herbert M. 1999年,王業立、郭應哲、林佳龍譯,《政治學中爭辯的議題》,台北:韋伯文化事業出版社。
    North, Douglass 民83年,劉瑞華譯,《制度、制度變遷與經濟成較》,台北:時報文化。
    Wiarda, Howard J. eds. 李培元譯,2000年,《比較政治的新趨向》(New Direction in Comparative Politics, 2nd ed.),台北:韋伯文化事業出版社。
    Potter, David, Goldblatt, David, Kiloh, Margaret, Lewis, Paul著, 王謙、李昌麟、林賢治、黃惟饒譯,2000年,《民主化的歷程》(Democratization),台北:韋伯文化事業出版社。
    Sorensen, Georg 黃德福主譯,李酉潭、陳志瑋譯,1998年,《民主與民主化》,台北:韋伯文化事業出版社。
    【中文論文部分】
    丁配華,2002,〈車臣民族問題論析〉,《世界民族》,2002年第6期。
    戈巴契夫,1997年,〈不能再排擠猶太裔〉,聯合報,1997年8月9日第10版。
    王承宗,1995年,〈俄羅斯『國家體制』之研究〉,《問題與研究》,第34卷,第8期。
    李玉珍,1995年,〈民族問題〉,收入畢英賢主編,《俄羅斯》。
    李傳勛,1997年,〈俄羅斯遠東地區近期社會經濟形勢淺析〉,《東歐中亞研究》,1997年第5期。
    宋錦海,1997年,〈俄羅斯中央-地方關係的發展趨向〉,《東歐中亞研究》,1997年第4期。
    宋國誠,1992,〈中國大陸對「蘇東解體」的反省〉,《中國大陸研究》,1992年第7期。
    周陽山,民84年3月,〈半總統制:概念及其實施經驗的反省-芬蘭模式的探討〉,《美歐月刊》,第10卷第5期。
    民85年8月,〈總統制、議會制、半總統制與政治穩定〉,《問題與研究》,第35卷第8期。
    民85年,〈制度化與民主化概念的省思〉,收入陳文俊主編,《台灣的民主化-回顧.檢討.展望》,高雄:國立中山大學政治學研究所。
    吳玉山,民86年12月,〈歐洲後共產社會的政治制度變遷-以俄羅斯聯邦為例〉《美歐季刊》, 第12 卷第4 期。
    民88年3月26日,〈金融風暴衝擊下的經濟轉型-俄羅斯的例子〉,國立政治大學政治經濟研究會論文。
    吳東野,民85年,〈「半總統制」政府體系的理論與實際〉《問題與研究》第35卷第8期。
    林修澈,〈圖瓦人〉,1995年,收入《遠古傳唱唐努烏梁海》,台北:蒙藏委員會。
    阿爾當、杜哈梅,〈雙元政治〉,民90年,收入阿爾當等著,陳瑞華譯《法國為何出現左右共治:歷史、政治、憲法的考察》,台北:貓頭鷹書房。
    林佳龍,民87年6月25、26日,〈半總統制制、多黨體系與民主政體:台灣憲政衝突的制度分析〉,「政治制度:理論與現實」學術研討會,台北:中央研究院。
    林繼文,民87年6月25、26日,〈半總統制下的三角政治均衡〉,「政治制度:理論與現實」學術研討會,台北:中央研究院。
    阿蘭.貝桑松,1993,〈民族主義與布爾什維主義〉,載於《最後的帝國-民族問題與蘇聯的前途》。
    阿爾當、杜哈梅,民90年,〈雙元政治〉,收入阿爾當等著,陳瑞華譯《法國為何出現左右共治:歷史、政治、憲法的考察》,台北:貓頭鷹書房。
    姜琦,1993年,〈中譯本序兼論蘇聯解體的民族因素〉,收入羅伯特.康奎斯特主編,劉靖北、劉振前譯,《最後的帝國-民族問題與蘇聯的前途》,上海:華東師範大學出版社。
    徐波、陳林,2002年,〈全球化、現代化與民族主義:現實與悖論〉,收入埃里•凱杜里著,張明明譯,《民族主義》,北京:中央編譯出版社。
    徐桂香,民88年,〈俄羅斯聯邦體制及民族分離的挑戰-以韃靼、車臣與喀爾瑪克為例〉,蒙藏委員會88年專題研究報告,台北:蒙藏委員會。
    民91年,〈權力競逐下的喀爾瑪克共和國總統選舉〉,《蒙藏地區現況雙月報》,第十一卷第六期,民91年11月。
    姚勤華,2002年,〈十九世紀俄國斯拉夫主義思想和運動研究〉,《東歐中亞研究》,2002年第6期。
    許志新,2003年,〈普京的政治思維與實踐〉,《俄羅斯中亞東歐研究》,2003年第5期。
    許湘濤,民85年,〈俄羅斯的政治發展-1990-1996〉,《問題與研究》,第35卷第12期。
    陳明明,2001年,〈比較現代化•市民社會•新制度主義-關於20世紀80、90年代中國政治研究的三個理論視角〉,《戰略與管理》,2001年第4期。
    陳聯璧,1999年,〈俄羅斯民族關係理論和政策的變化〉,《東歐中亞研究》,1 999年第1期。
    麥克•梅可佛(Michael McFaul),游清鑫譯,1997年),〈俄羅斯的民主鞏固〉,收入田弘茂、朱雲漢、Larry Diamond、Marc Plattner主編,《新興民主的機遇與挑戰》,台北:業強出版社。
    郭思勉,1993,〈烏克蘭獨立的背景及其與俄羅斯的關係〉,收於《蘇聯民族危機與聯盟解體》,四川民族出版社,成都。
    郭兆林譯,1990年,〈蘇聯的民族關係:問題與困難〉,《民族譯叢》,1990年第1期。
    殷劍平,1997年,〈對俄羅斯遠東地區地方分立傾向的分析〉,《東歐中亞研究》,1997年第4期。
    游清鑫,〈共識與爭議-一些民主化研究問題的探討〉,《問題與研究》,第36卷第九期,民國86年9月。
    蔡宗珍,民87年6月25、26日,〈關於威瑪憲法的結構性缺失及其影響的幾點思考〉,「政治制度:理論與現實」學術研討會,台北:中央研究院。
    蔡英文,民71年,〈譯序〉,《極權主義》,台北:聯經出版,民81年第4次印行。
    趙龍庚,〈俄羅斯獨立後的族際關係〉,《世界民族》,1996年第3期。
    1997年,〈俄羅斯族際關係緊張的經濟因素-以遠東地區為例〉,《世界民族》,1997年第3期。
    張雅君,1991,〈蘇聯變局對中共的衝擊:危機效應之分析〉,載於《中國大陸研究》,1991年第11期。
    張建華、李朋,1997年,〈蘇聯時期俄羅斯民族的特殊地位與"俄羅斯中心論"〉《東歐中亞研究》,1997年第3期。
    張建華,1996年,〈民族主義在前蘇聯的表現及特點〉《世界民族》,1996年第2期。
    1996年,〈民族文化與族際文化:衝突抑或協調-對蘇聯民族文化政策的歷史考察〉,《東歐中亞研究》,1996年第4期。
    常慶,1996年,〈當前俄羅斯聯邦的民族問題〉《世界民族》,1996年第1期。
    華辛芝,1996年,〈列寧的民族理論與實踐〉《世界民族》,1996年第2期。
    1996年,〈斯大林民族理論評析〉《世界民族》,1996年第4期。
    趙春山,〈戈巴契夫的政治改革:理想與現實〉,《東亞季刊》,第23卷第 期(民80年)。
    趙建民、李酉潭,1998年,〈孫中山建國三程序與民主化相關概念初探-兼論台灣民主轉型的歷程〉,台北市:1998年研討會論文。
    赫魯雪夫,1987年,〈文學藝術要同人民生活保持密切的聯繫〉,收入《蘇聯民族問題文獻選編》。
    薛銜天,1996年,〈試論俄羅斯民族主義與蘇聯解體〉《東歐中亞研究》,1996年第3期。
    趙龍庚,1996年,〈俄羅斯獨立後的族際關係〉《世界民族》,1996年第3期。
    潘廣輝,2002年,〈列寧的民族關係理論是解決當代民族關係問題的指南〉,《世界民族》,2002年第5期。
    劉向文,2002年,〈談俄羅斯聯邦議會上院的改革〉,《東歐中亞研究》,2002年第6期。
    劉向文、王惠敏,1999年,〈俄羅斯維護聯邦統一的理論和實踐〉,《東歐中亞研究》,1999年第2期。
    劉鍔,1983年,〈關於國家聯邦制和自治制問題〉,《中央民族學院學報》,1983年第2期。
    龔學增、靳薇、胡岩編著,1994年,《民族問題與宗教問題講座》,北京:中共中央黨校出版社。
    埃萊娜.C. 唐科斯,龔羽翼譯,〈蘇聯政府無法走出民族困擾的死胡同〉,載於《分崩離析的帝國》,轉載於《蘇聯民族危機與聯盟解體》,成都:四川民族出版社。
    特雷莎.拉科夫斯卡-哈母斯通,1993年,〈當代少數民族的民族主義綜述〉,收入《最後的帝國 -民族問題與蘇聯的前途》。
    約翰•B•鄧洛普,1993年,〈語言、文化、宗教與民族意識〉,收入《最後的帝國-民族問題與蘇聯的前途》。
    羅曼.斯鮑拉克,1993,〈烏克蘭和俄羅斯〉,收入《最後的帝國-民族問題與蘇 聯的前途》,羅伯特.康奎斯特主編,劉靖北、劉振前譯,上海:華東師範大學出版社。
    A. 尤蘇波夫斯基,1992年,〈蘇聯民族關係危機是一整套問題〉,《民族譯叢》,1992年第5期。
    B. 米哈伊洛夫,1989年,〈民族關係:改革的迫切問題〉,《民族譯叢》,1989年第2期。
    B. 科茲洛夫,1994年,〈民族主義、民族分立主義與俄羅斯人問題〉,《民族譯叢》,1994年第4期。
    B. 普洛特尼科夫,賀國安譯,1994年,〈俄羅斯酋長國的聯盟?-怎樣使俄境內的州與共和國權利平等〉,《民族譯叢》,1994年第2期。
    B. 阿爾帕托夫,1994,〈蘇聯20、30年代的語言政策:空想與現實〉,載於《民族譯叢》,1994年第6期。
    H. 布加伊,1989年,〈論30-40年代蘇聯驅逐民族出境問題〉,原載《歷史問題》,1989年第6期,轉載《民族譯叢》,1990年第4期。
    J. 塔捷沃襄,1979年,〈蘇聯人民-人們新的歷史性共同體〉,《民族譯叢》,1979年第2期。
    M. 朱努索夫,1989年,〈蘇維埃共和國實行民族政策最初階段歷史片斷〉,《民族譯叢》,1989年第5期。
    M. 魯特克維奇,于洪君譯,1992年,〈蘇聯民族關係的激化-關於1989年人口普查初步結果的思考〉,《民族譯叢》,1990年第2期。
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    【網站部分】
    Gazeta.Ru Website: http://www.gazeta.ru.
    Freedom House: http://www.freedomhouse.org.
    Pravda: http://english.pravda.ru.
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