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    Title: 論國際關係中基進民主的可能:一個關於Michael Hardt與Antonio Negri政治書寫的實踐性詮釋
    The Possibility of Radical Democracy in International Relations: A Practicality interpretation on Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s political writings
    Authors: 吳邦碩
    Wu, Bang-Shuo
    Contributors: 葉浩
    陳秉逵

    吳邦碩
    Wu, Bang-Shuo
    Keywords: 基進民主
    國際關係理論
    雜眾
    帝國
    生命政治
    Michael Hardt
    Antonio Negri
    Radical Democracy
    International Relation Theory
    Empire
    Multitude
    Biopolitics
    Michael Hardt
    Antonio Negri
    Date: 2023
    Issue Date: 2024-01-02 15:32:41 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 本論文要探討的是如何將基進民主帶入國際關係?國際關係不管作為一個學門或實踐場域都瀰漫一股菁英主義的氛圍,塑造我們成為特定的技術官僚與專家才有資格在該場域中發揮影響力。這是種以主權為中心的政治實踐與科學,筆者指出該政治模式已經無法跟上時代變遷與當代所面對的全球性人類共同的難題,因此提出基進民主為另一種政治的可能。選用Michael Hardt與Antonio Negri(以下為了簡便,將以H&N代稱)的著作,基於兩位在政治實踐上具有跨國際的影響力,在學界中其理論也被廣泛討論,藉由他們合著的《帝國》、《雜眾》、《共同政體》三本書,筆者在理論層面上試圖發展一套給予所有人的國際關係論述。
    本文的核心問題意識為在H&N的全球政治理論中「國際關係」的意義,在該理論中扮演著什麼樣的角色?且在現實中如何實踐?且在不同的層次上可以給予我們什麼樣的規範性目標?H&N的「帝國-雜眾」理論,從區分Potentia與Potestas兩種不同的權力運作出發,逐步的發展到政治社會的本體論以及現實世界中不同場域的應對物,是個由抽象到現實、由本體論到當代世界政治分析的大理論。H&N的著作中對國際政治、全球層級的政治事件有許多分析,這是他們對當代世界秩序和時代處境的理解:在政治經濟學上是全球控制社會與非物質勞動,政治社會上則是全球內戰與全球民主危機;現代國家所構成的世界秩序是重複的追求自身優勢地位與利益,跨國大企業也是不斷的追求利潤極大化,兩者都建立在壓迫弱勢、貧窮者等雜眾們之上。透過這樣批判性的分析,是H&N在國際政治與全球政治上找回馬克思主義與傅柯式獠牙。
    本文透過爬梳H&N的書寫傳統與經歷、作品的定位、文類與文體、閱讀方式後,以一套H&N自身建議的閱讀方式來去分析其文本。即是將三本著作中的旁註—H&N理論書寫中的一種特殊文體,串聯起來並放在一起閱讀,從中提煉出實際應用、現實中實踐的準則和判斷標準。在該閱讀下我們整理出三個實踐性的主題:政治主體為雜眾的現實主義、生命政治生產與生命權力治理作為政治判斷的標準、政治運動抗爭中不斷越界的異質性。最後,結合H&N在國際政治上的分析與筆者自身詮釋出的政治實踐準則,論證出一個與當代國際關係理論截然不同的理論雛形,基進民主的國際關係理論,以雜眾為出發點去改造社會、現代國家並逐步的創造出全球基進民主得以可能的環境。
    This article intends to bring radical democracy into the field of international relations. International relations as field of academic or practice are full of elitism, one must become some sort of specialist or bureaucrat to have an impact in this field, or at least most of us believe so. This is a form of politics and science centered around sovereignty. The author points out that this political model is no longer able to keep pace with the changing times and the global challenges faced by humanity today. Therefore, the author proposes radical democracy as an alternative political possibility. Drawing on the political writings of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, with a primary focus on their three key works—Empire, Multitude, and Commonwealth—and considering their roles as global activists, the author intends to construct an international relations theory designed for everyone and by everyone.

    The core question this article tries to answer is the significance of 'international relations' in Hardt and Negri's global political theory. What does it mean to speak of international relations and its role play within this theory? How is it practically implemented in reality? Furthermore, what normative objectives can it provide us on different levels? Hardt and Negri's theory also known as “Theory of Empire- Multitude”, starting from the differentiation between Potentia and Potestas as two distinct forms of power, then evolves into an ontology of political society and responses to various domains in the real world. It constitutes a grand theory that transitions from abstraction to reality, from ontological considerations to contemporary political analysis. Through the author’s own interpretation on Hardt and Negri, it shows that they reclaim Marxism and Foucauldian critical viewpoint in the realms of contemporary international relations and global politics.

    The article also examines Hardt and Negri's writing tradition and experiences, how they view their own works, its genre and style, and the many ways to read them. The author points out by connecting and read scholia —a distinctive writing style within Hardt and Negri's theory —across these three books together, we can find clear guidelines, and judgment criteria for real-world implementation. Under this reading we clarify three practical themes: the realism of multitude as political subject, biopower and biopolitical production as a form of political judgement, and the heterogeneity in political movement and resistance that continually transcends boundaries.

    Finally, combining Hardt and Negri's analysis in international politics with the political practice criteria interpreted by the author, we argue for a theoretical framework radically different from contemporary international relation theories—a radical democratic international relations theory that, starting from the multitude, seeks to transform society and modern states, gradually creating an environment where global radical democracy becomes possible.
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