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    題名: 誰是獨立選民?論新舊獨立選民的差異
    Who Are the Independent Voters? The Difference between Old and New Independent Voters
    作者: 劉庭瑜
    Liu, Ting-Yu
    貢獻者: 俞振華
    Yu, Chen-Hua
    劉庭瑜
    Liu, Ting-Yu
    關鍵詞: 世代
    新舊獨立選民
    政治知識
    政治功效意識
    投票行為
    Generation
    Old and New Independent Voters
    Political Knowledge
    Political Efficacy
    Voting Behavior
    日期: 2020
    上傳時間: 2020-08-03 18:10:43 (UTC+8)
    摘要: 近十多年來台灣的縣市首長及總統選舉中,不乏可見報章雜誌常以「關鍵獨立選民」一詞,來評論獨立選民在選舉中的重要角色,尤其是在兩個政黨激烈競爭的情況中,獨立選民更成為關注焦點。正因這些不具政黨認同的獨立選民,主要依照短期因素,如:候選人特質、議題因素作為投票主要考量,成為選舉中的不確定性。
    過去針對獨立選民的研究多以全體選民為主,鮮少從「世代獨立選民差異」的觀點切入,故本研究選擇政治大學選舉研究中心的面訪資料,欲探討2004~2016年四次總統選舉中我國獨立選民的發展情形,檢視在不同成長背景、政治環境下,新舊世代獨立選民在人口變數、政治態度及投票行為上有何差異。本研究透過「世代」概念將1996年後首次取得投票權的選民稱作「新世代」,其餘則為「舊世代」。從Burnham(1970)提出的新獨立選民概念與認知動員理論(Dalton 1984)出發,檢驗台灣新世代獨立選民是否符合新獨立選民的特徵,與過去舊獨立選民的意涵是否不同,並嘗試比較新舊世代獨立選民的差異。
    研究結果顯示,新世代選民相對舊世代選民更傾向成為獨立選民,符合生命週期理論的預期,年齡愈低的選民因政黨認同不穩定,容易成為獨立選民。新世代獨立選民以男性為主、政治功效意識較高,不過有逐年下降的情形、教育程度較高,這顯然與教育普及化、提升選民教育水準不無關係,同時也表示性別因素漸不影響。獨立選民不分世代,都是低政治知識者、並對政治感到冷感,投票參與也較為消極,其中新世代獨立選民的投票參與比舊世代獨立選民來得更低,約低10~20%。另外,若回溯包含該年度前兩屆總統選舉,在連續三次的投票情境下,亦得出新世代獨立選民的投票參與比例較低落的結果。
    In the past ten years, there have seen many newspapaers or magazines used the term “Key Independent Voters” to comment the important role of independent voters in elections, especially in the competition between two political parties. Since the independent voters who don’t have party identification mainly based on short-term factors to vote, such as candidate characteristics or issues as the consideration.
    The past research on independent voters mostly focused on the whole electorate, rarely from the perspective of “the difference of independent voters between generations”, so it inspired me to do this thesis. This thesis used the survey data released from the Election Study Center, the presidential elections from 2004 to 2016 were included. First, I used the concept of generation to refer to voters who acquired first voting rights after 1996 as the “new generation”, the rest as the “old generation”. Starting from the concept of new independent voters (Burnham 1970) and cognitive mobilization theory (Dalton 1984), I propose a theoretical framework to tested whether the new generation of independent voters in Taiwan conforms to the characteristics of the new independent voters, and whether the meaning between the old and new independent voters is different, also try to find out the difference.
    The study finds that the young (new) generation is more inclined to become independent voters which is consistent with the life cycle theory because of their unstable party identification. The new generation of independent voters are more likely the be men, have higher political efficacy declining year by year though, and with higher education level which is obviously related to the popularization of education and the improvement of voters’ education. Independent voters, regardless of generation, are those with low political knowledge and not interested in politics. Their voting behavior is also more negative than those with party identification. Especially the new generation of independent voters has a lower voting participation than the old generation of independent voters, about 10~20%. In addition, if we retrospect the previous two presidential elections, under the three consecutive voting scenarios, this study also finds that there’s a gap in the participation rate of the new generation of independent voters.
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