政大機構典藏-National Chengchi University Institutional Repository(NCCUR):Item 140.119/100018
English  |  正體中文  |  简体中文  |  Post-Print筆數 : 27 |  Items with full text/Total items : 113311/144292 (79%)
Visitors : 50923673      Online Users : 876
RC Version 6.0 © Powered By DSPACE, MIT. Enhanced by NTU Library IR team.
Scope Tips:
  • please add "double quotation mark" for query phrases to get precise results
  • please goto advance search for comprehansive author search
    •  Adv. Search
    Home ‧ Login ‧ Upload ‧ Help ‧ About ‧ Administer Goto mobile version


    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://nccur.lib.nccu.edu.tw/handle/140.119/100018


    Title: Mei and Dou in Chinese: a Tale of Two Quantifiers
    Other Titles: “每”與“都”：量詞與量化
    Authors: 羅瓊鵬
    Luo, Qiong-peng
    Keywords: 分配量化;限定詞;量詞;每;都
    distributive quantification;determiners;quantifiers;mei;dou
    Date: 2011-12
    Issue Date: 2016-08-11 11:40:43 (UTC+8)
    Abstract: 本文討論漢語中有關“每”和“都”的兩個難題：（1）有定/無定不對稱難題：雖然大多數情況下“每”需要“都”伴隨出現，但是，當賓語是無定的時候，“都”可以不需要出現；（2）主賓不對稱難題：“每”在主語位置出現受諸多限制，與之對立的是，“每”在賓語位置的出現相對自由許多。我們對這兩個難題提出了一個統一的分析：（1）第一個難題可以通過假設所有的分配量化具有雙層語意結構來解釋：“每”作為分配量詞，其基本語義是一個標準的全稱量詞加上一個匹配函數，匹配函數保證了分配量化中的“同步協變”語意要求；（2）“每”可以通過類型轉換，由分配量詞轉換成分配限定詞，這是“每”在賓語位置出現時的情況；（3）類型轉換總是受經濟原則支配。有關“每”和“都”的許多複雜的問題，在本文的分析中得到了更好的處理。
    This study addresses two outstanding puzzles about the two well-known quantifiers mei and dou in Chinese: (i) the indefinite/definite asymmetry when mei leads the subject NP: dou is not needed when there is an indefinite or a reflexive object within the scope of mei and (ii) the subject/object asymmetry: when mei leads the subject NP, its distribution is restricted, depending on the type of the objects, and, by contrast, when it leads the object NP, its distribution is much freer. We propose a novel account for these puzzles. We argue that (i) the indefinite/definite asymmetry can be explained away if we assume that mei is a distributive quantifier with a portmanteau semantic structure, i.e., that it is a standard universal quantifier plus a matching function; (ii) mei can be domain-shifted into a distributive determiner to satisfy interpretability, and this explains the subject/object asymmetry and (iii) this domain-shifting is regulated by the Principle of Economy (cf. Reinhart (2006)), which is a last resort to satisfy interpretability.
    Relation: 臺灣語言學期刊, 9(2), 111-158
    Taiwan Journal of Linguistics
    Data Type: article
    DOI link: http://dx.doi.org/10.6519/TJL.2011.9(2).3
    DOI: 10.6519/TJL.2011.9(2).3
    Appears in Collections:[Taiwan Journal of Linguistics] Articles

    Files in This Item:

    File Description SizeFormat
    9(2)-111-158.pdf2686KbAdobe PDF2388View/Open


    All items in 政大典藏 are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved.


    社群 sharing

    著作權政策宣告 Copyright Announcement
    1.本網站之數位內容為國立政治大學所收錄之機構典藏，無償提供學術研究與公眾教育等公益性使用，惟仍請適度，合理使用本網站之內容，以尊重著作權人之權益。商業上之利用，則請先取得著作權人之授權。
    The digital content of this website is part of National Chengchi University Institutional Repository. It provides free access to academic research and public education for non-commercial use. Please utilize it in a proper and reasonable manner and respect the rights of copyright owners. For commercial use, please obtain authorization from the copyright owner in advance.

    2.本網站之製作，已盡力防止侵害著作權人之權益，如仍發現本網站之數位內容有侵害著作權人權益情事者，請權利人通知本網站維護人員(nccur@nccu.edu.tw)，維護人員將立即採取移除該數位著作等補救措施。
    NCCU Institutional Repository is made to protect the interests of copyright owners. If you believe that any material on the website infringes copyright, please contact our staff(nccur@nccu.edu.tw). We will remove the work from the repository and investigate your claim.
    DSpace Software Copyright © 2002-2004  MIT &  Hewlett-Packard  /   Enhanced by   NTU Library IR team Copyright ©   - Feedback